Archaeologists regard the Hohokam as geographically distinct communities that encompassed much of southern and central Arizona and yet, were tied together through perceived shared religious beliefs. This intrinsic connection between Hohokam communities establishes a fundamental basis for cultural and economic interactions. David R. Abbott, Alexa M. Smith and Emiliano Gallaga’s paper Ballcourts and Ceramics: The Case for Hohokam Marketplaces in the Arizona Desert, is an attempt to formalize the connection between a centralized ritual activity, the ballgame, and the exchange of essential goods, specifically pottery. Using the ceramic data from the lower Salt River Valley, the authors strive to establish a temporal link with the ritual ceremonialism of the ballcourts and the production and distribution of ceramics in the region.
The Hohokam built an impressive system of irrigation works to cultivate fields and become successful desert farmers. In order to maintain the canal systems vital to agricultural production, community cooperation was necessary. With the ability to produce agricultural surpluses, the Phoenix basin became densely inhabited, becoming the core of the Hohokam regional system. The lowland irrigated valleys were well suited for agricultural production and the ability to create surpluses and yet, were lacking in other natural resources. The surrounding highlands were faced with opposite problem. They had a wealth of resources but a marginal environment made for poor agriculture. A system of exchange would provide a beneficial relationship for these independent communities that identified with a common religious ideology.
The beginning of the 9th century A.D. bore witness to the construction of the first Hohokam ballcourts. Hohokam ballcourts were earthen constructions in which a version of the Mesoamerican ballgame was played. It is estimated that ballcourts were present in nearly every Hohokam village. The ceremonial ballgame provided an opportunity for large groups of people to come together and facilitate the exchange of goods from the various ecologically distinct regions. The ritual activity of the ballgame became essentially linked with economic trade. Essential goods such as pottery could be distributed on a large scale, creating a specialized ceramics market. The periodic marketplaces that occurred simultaneous with the ballgame allowed for the spread of goods without being reliant on kinship or other social ties. The ballgame created an opportunity for the distribution of specialized goods over vast distances. However, by the end of Classic period Hohokam ballcourts had fallen into disrepair. Without a centralized market, populations were forced to revert to localized production.
Abbott et al., uses ceramic data sets collected at Las Colinas, Pueblo Grande, and Los Hornos to establish a temporal correlation between the presences of pottery at ballcourt sites and marketplace activities. Temper type has become an important indicator of production source for ceramics, making it relatively easy to determine provenance for individual ceramics. The authors contend that more than “90 percent of the bowls and jars in the valley households could be accounted for by the output of artisans residing in only five pottery source areas.” (Abbott et al. 2007). This information implies that there was an effective means for the distribution of specialized ceramics wares to an overreaching population base. It is also implied that production was not based on a tribute economy, but rather a market based economy. The distribution of ceramics recovered at these three sites establishes a strong association between the ceremonial activity of the ballgame and marketplace activities.
By creating a chronology for the ceramic assemblages located at the three sites the authors firmly established a relationship between the quantities of highly distributed ceramics at the height of the ballgame ceremonialism and a near absence by A.D. 1070, when ballcourts were being abandoned. As imported ceramics were becoming absent during the decline of the ballcourt network, an increase in locally produced wares appear in greater quantities. Abbott et al. uses this information to support their hypothesis that the ceremonial ballgame facilitated an opportunity for the distribution of specialized ceramics and a marketplace based economy. Without the ballgame to create an occasion for distribution, essential items were once again being produced at the local level.
The author’s use of ceramics as a temporal indicator in relation to possible connection with ceremonial ballcourt activities and a market place economy provides a clear support for their hypothesis. If trade of unique pottery on large scale were taking place at ballgame, it would be indicated by the temporal distribution in the ceramic data sets of sites. This is what the authors clearly demonstrated in their analyses of the data. However, they are subjugated to a limited number of sites to compare. They even indicate that only a handful of ballcourts have been excavated and even fewer have been properly dated. In order to irrefutably make the connection between ballcourts and interregional trade, a greater number of site comparisons need to be made.
Understanding the relationship between ceremonial activities that draw large numbers of people and the exchange of goods is valuable in understanding social connections of a region. How did people interact at the ballgame and why were goods exchanged on a large scale? Are there modern correlates in today’s sporting events? Abbott et al. methods for analyzing the information provided by ceramics recovered at Hohokam ballcourt sites indicate that the ritual activity lead to the formation of periodic marketplaces and craft specialization.
References Cited
2007 Ballcourts and Ceramics: The Case for Hohokam Marketplaces in the Arizona Desert.
American Antiquity 72(3): 461-484.
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